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The aim of this quantity is to reconsider the questions posed by means of Derrida's writings and his exact philosophical positioning, regardless of the seize words that experience supposedly summed up deconstruction.

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3 . But this deconstruction is in some way the operation or rather the very experience that this text, it seems to me, first does itself, by itself, on itself. What does this mean? Is it possible? What remains, then, of such an event? Of its auto-hetero-deconstruction ? Of its just and unjust incompletion ? What is the ruin of such an event or the open wound of such a signature? And also, in what does its strength consist, strength precisely in the sense of Gewalt, that is, its violence, authority and legitimacy ?

In carrying the right to strike to its limit, the concept or watchword of general strike thus manifests its essence. The state can hardly stand this passage to the limit. It deems it abusive and claims that there was a misunder­ standing, a misinterpretation of the original intention, and that das Streikrecht "so " nicht gemeint gewesen sei, "the right to strike was not 'so intended' " (p. 282). It can then condemn the general strike as illegal and, if the strike persists, we have a revolutionary situation.

If the origin of law is a violent positioning, the laner manifests itself in the purest fashion when violence is absolute, that is to say when it touches on the right to life and to death. Here Benjamin doesn't need to invoke the great philosophical arguments that before him have justified, in the same way, the death penalty (Kant, Hegel, for example, against early opponents like Beccaria). If the legal system fully manifests itself in the possibility of the death penalty, to abolish the penalty is not to touch upon one dispositif among others, it is to disavow the very principle of law.

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