By Maxim Gorky
Gorky first met Lenin at a celebration Congress in London in 1907. They met back again and again - in the course of Lenin's exile in Europe and after the profitable revolution of November, 1917. With the perspicacity of "a literary guy, obliged to take notes of little details," Gorky provides a profoundly intimate photograph of Lenin, an image of which the constructing revolution is an essential component, for it really is most unlikely to split the fellow from his function in historical past, so heavily are they associated. In transparent define, Lenin the Bolshevik, the builder of his celebration, the organizer and the chief of the revolution, arises from those pages. And it's all the extra genuine, noticeable in the course of the eyes of Gorky, for he tells of Lenin in his moments of relaxation and rest in addition to in moments of heated political debate; indicates him at relaxation in Capri, enjoying chess and chatting with the fishermen; taking care of the overall healthiness and comforts of his comrades; debating in regards to the function of the intellectuals within the revolution; speaking with employees approximately the entire info in their lives.
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Extra resources for Days with Lenin,
We must proceed from facts and not ideal norms. The Ther midorean reaction in the U S S R, the defeat of a number of revolutions, the victories of fascism - which is carving the map of Europe in its own fashion - must be paid for in genuine currency in all spheres, including that of the Ukrainian ques tion. Were we to ignore the new situation created as a result Independence of Ukraine and Sectarian Muddleheads 49 o f defeats, were w e to pretend that nothing extraordinary h a s occurred, and were we t o counterpose familiar abstractions to unpleasant facts, then we could very well surrender to reac tion the remaining chances for v engeance in the more or less immediate future.
The metropolitan centers will not only pump from the colonies foodstuffs and raw materials, but they will also mobilize vast numbers of colonial slaves who are to die on the b attlefields for their masters. Meanwhile, the colonial bourgeoisie will have its snout deep in the trough of w ar or ders and will naturally renounce opposition in the name of patriotism and profits. Gandhi is already prep aring the ground for such a p olicy. " As a matter of fact, the imperialists will redouble and treble their exploitation of the toilers both at home and especially in the colonies so as to rehabilitate the country after the h avoc and devastation of the war.
But how can there b e a separation without first a revolution? The a uthor is caught in a vicious circle, and the slogan of an independent Ukraine together w ith Trotsky ' s "faulty logic" is hopelessly discredited. In point of fact this peculiar logic - "first" and "then" - is only a striking example of scholastic thinking. Our hapless critic has no inkling of the fact that historical p rocesses may occur not "first" and "then" but run p arallel to each other, exert influence upon each other, speed or retard each other; and that the task of revolutionary pOlitics consists p recisely in speeding up the mutual action and reaction of p rogressive processes.