By Morris Morley, Chris Mcgillion
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Extra info for Cuba, the United States, and the Post-Cold War World: The International Dimensions of the Washington-Havana Relationship
128 Survive it did, however, once again by virtue of a legislative sleight of hand of the Republican congressional leadership. In the Senate, where Dorgan was expected to successfully amend the Agriculture appropriation to lift the ban on private financing for farm sales to Cuba, the leadership avoided the vote by simply preventing the bill from ever coming to the floor. They did the same with the Treasury bill. S. invasion of Iraq was even more disconcerting than the war against the Taliban. At least in Afghanistan, the Taliban had, in fact, been sheltering and supporting Al Qaeda.
30 The declining political power of the Cuban-American right coincided with the mobilization, for the first time, of an organized constituency with an interest in improving relations with Cuba—the business community. For years, business had been notoriously absent from the debate over Cuba. Even after the end of the Cold War, when business played a key role in pressing for normal trade relations with China and Vietnam, interest in Cuba was negligible. Cuba’s potential market was much smaller than Vietnam’s, not to mention China’s, but the main reason for the lack of corporate interest was Cuba’s uninviting business environment.
The Clinton administration was enamored of this approach, largely because Richard Nuccio, the president’s special adviser on Cuban affairs, authored the original Track II provisions of the CDA when he worked for Torricelli. As described by Under Secretary of State Peter Tarnoff, Track II aimed to “empower those living under [the regime’s] yoke to be able to continue their struggle for democratic reform and human rights. . S. 136 “We believe that reaching out today will nurture and strengthen the fledgling civil society that will be the backbone of tomorrow’s democratic Cuba,” explained Clinton.